An imaginary discussion with a rickshawalla and an economist
While coming home, I was looking at the huge newly erected building of an NGO office which is notoriously famous for its micro credit operation all over the country. I was making the comment to the rickshawala somewhat jokingly that this is what can be done by money lending operation. The rickshawala, a 24 year old perhaps noted my being cynical about it told:
-We have also taken a loan from that samity ...it operates in our area too.
I ask him where he lives.
He clarifies, he lives in Dhaka on a fortnightly basis. When he goes back to home, to his parents, his brother comes and takes up the rickshaw for another fifteen days. The boy’s parents live in the village along with other children. Recently, they have married off one of their sisters and during the marriage took a loan of Tk. 28 thousand. A good part of the money was spent in dowry. Currently, they are returning the amount and in order to do so, he and his elder brother decided to take up rickshaw pulling in Dhaka. They do it turn. I ask him whether they are able to return the money and whether it was working. He gives me an exact account of how much money they’ve taken and how much paid and yes in a positive note and told me actually how many installments were left.
This was one of the few occasions when I actually could get to talk to some one who would freely and openly talk about the loan situation. In the past I have noted that in village areas it is often quite difficult to talk about loan operation. My experience of doing a research at the graduate level at Jahangirnagar University also gave me similar impression (Sumon 2000). But this was a clear cut situation. A loan taken for family needs is being repaid by the father and two of their sons. It is temporary. The father has some land where he works. The boy told me that his father was busy planting winter crop.
Then one fine morning I meet the economist. My choice of an economist in this imaginative account is by no means accidental. They are important people in a society such as us and I’d reckon more important in the predicament of ‘Third’ world countries. They are the most important local players when it comes to policy planning, when it comes to negotiating with the Western Aid regimes. So, every time I meet an economist, I try to throw in some questions. Deep down inside, perhaps I too believe that their answers will be concrete and comprehensive.
In this chance affair, however, I find the economist proud and in good mood. I try to figure out, why is he happy! I tell him of my discussion with the rickshaw puller. Tell him that how a family has spent Tk. 28 thousand in the wedding and how the bank came in handy!
But how do you explain it? I asked.
I remind the economist that micro-credit is given to do some thing productive and this was by no means a case of production. I also tell him that few years ago in one of my own study I found that that out of 30 households, only one household reported to have invested the money in some form of income generating activity. Most respondents also mentioned that they pass on the borrowed money to their husbands and other male members of the household. I also ask how this can be related with the idea of what is being meant by the word female empowerment. I knew that my questions were driven by that image of women which White (1992) argued ‘pervades virtually every text on poor women of Bangladesh’ as if the women are meek and subservient. I did not bother to bring in that critic to the economist and just wanted to remind him that at the beginning of the so called 'programmatic success' of Grameen bank, a justification was made that micro credit facilitates women’s empowerment.
The economist did not bother to address this last observation of mine.
-Justification? Justification to whom?
On the question of empowerment he gives me the argument that I’ve been hearing from ages.
-From any time of the past, women in the villages are mobile, he added.
I agree. I remember all the econometric research reports I have read earlier which gives a point to women who are mobile (See Hashemi, Schuler and Riley 1996). I also remember the bizarre question I once asked to one female respondent and a borrower of a local credit organization from my earlier work: Do you go to the market to sell your produce or for any other purpose such as purchasing the daily essentials etc?
-Why should I? The women responded with some anger showing her face.
So, the question remained: mobility but why has this mobility taken place? Are they not for different reasons? And then why mobility itself is seen as an indicator of female empowerment? I’d rather avoid asking this question to the economist!
The economist tells me that at the initial stages, women were given village phones at a subsidized rate. That was very successful too. I am not against communication technology but where is that thing now? I keep on prodding.
I ask him about the overall production system in Bangladesh. How well is it from a macro-perspective? Can it be argued that much of this micro-credit thing acts as an impediment to industrialization?
The economist gets impatient.
-One cannot expect the NGOs to change the society. They are just working as partners. This is the reason of the rise of activities of NGOS in Third world country.
I agree that too but then remind him that this is perhaps part of a bigger plan. Look at other countries which are in similar situation like us. Similar not only because of any inherent similarity but of the bigger context of hegemony of the neocolonialism. This is structural, I insist adding that this needs to be taken into consideration every time when we in the ‘Third world’ try to think through concepts such as good governance, democracy and secularism.
References
Hashemi, S. M, S. R. Schuler and A Riley. Role of targeted Credit Programs in Promoting Employment and Productivity of poor in Bangladesh; World Development, Vol
24: 4
Sumon, M. H. 2000. Examining the Images of Female Empowerment: A Case Study; Unpublished MSS dissertation, Jahangirnagar University, Dhaka Bangladesh
White, S. C. 1992. Arguing with the Crocodile, UPL Dhaka
-We have also taken a loan from that samity ...it operates in our area too.
I ask him where he lives.
He clarifies, he lives in Dhaka on a fortnightly basis. When he goes back to home, to his parents, his brother comes and takes up the rickshaw for another fifteen days. The boy’s parents live in the village along with other children. Recently, they have married off one of their sisters and during the marriage took a loan of Tk. 28 thousand. A good part of the money was spent in dowry. Currently, they are returning the amount and in order to do so, he and his elder brother decided to take up rickshaw pulling in Dhaka. They do it turn. I ask him whether they are able to return the money and whether it was working. He gives me an exact account of how much money they’ve taken and how much paid and yes in a positive note and told me actually how many installments were left.
This was one of the few occasions when I actually could get to talk to some one who would freely and openly talk about the loan situation. In the past I have noted that in village areas it is often quite difficult to talk about loan operation. My experience of doing a research at the graduate level at Jahangirnagar University also gave me similar impression (Sumon 2000). But this was a clear cut situation. A loan taken for family needs is being repaid by the father and two of their sons. It is temporary. The father has some land where he works. The boy told me that his father was busy planting winter crop.
Then one fine morning I meet the economist. My choice of an economist in this imaginative account is by no means accidental. They are important people in a society such as us and I’d reckon more important in the predicament of ‘Third’ world countries. They are the most important local players when it comes to policy planning, when it comes to negotiating with the Western Aid regimes. So, every time I meet an economist, I try to throw in some questions. Deep down inside, perhaps I too believe that their answers will be concrete and comprehensive.
In this chance affair, however, I find the economist proud and in good mood. I try to figure out, why is he happy! I tell him of my discussion with the rickshaw puller. Tell him that how a family has spent Tk. 28 thousand in the wedding and how the bank came in handy!
But how do you explain it? I asked.
I remind the economist that micro-credit is given to do some thing productive and this was by no means a case of production. I also tell him that few years ago in one of my own study I found that that out of 30 households, only one household reported to have invested the money in some form of income generating activity. Most respondents also mentioned that they pass on the borrowed money to their husbands and other male members of the household. I also ask how this can be related with the idea of what is being meant by the word female empowerment. I knew that my questions were driven by that image of women which White (1992) argued ‘pervades virtually every text on poor women of Bangladesh’ as if the women are meek and subservient. I did not bother to bring in that critic to the economist and just wanted to remind him that at the beginning of the so called 'programmatic success' of Grameen bank, a justification was made that micro credit facilitates women’s empowerment.
The economist did not bother to address this last observation of mine.
-Justification? Justification to whom?
On the question of empowerment he gives me the argument that I’ve been hearing from ages.
-From any time of the past, women in the villages are mobile, he added.
I agree. I remember all the econometric research reports I have read earlier which gives a point to women who are mobile (See Hashemi, Schuler and Riley 1996). I also remember the bizarre question I once asked to one female respondent and a borrower of a local credit organization from my earlier work: Do you go to the market to sell your produce or for any other purpose such as purchasing the daily essentials etc?
-Why should I? The women responded with some anger showing her face.
So, the question remained: mobility but why has this mobility taken place? Are they not for different reasons? And then why mobility itself is seen as an indicator of female empowerment? I’d rather avoid asking this question to the economist!
The economist tells me that at the initial stages, women were given village phones at a subsidized rate. That was very successful too. I am not against communication technology but where is that thing now? I keep on prodding.
I ask him about the overall production system in Bangladesh. How well is it from a macro-perspective? Can it be argued that much of this micro-credit thing acts as an impediment to industrialization?
The economist gets impatient.
-One cannot expect the NGOs to change the society. They are just working as partners. This is the reason of the rise of activities of NGOS in Third world country.
I agree that too but then remind him that this is perhaps part of a bigger plan. Look at other countries which are in similar situation like us. Similar not only because of any inherent similarity but of the bigger context of hegemony of the neocolonialism. This is structural, I insist adding that this needs to be taken into consideration every time when we in the ‘Third world’ try to think through concepts such as good governance, democracy and secularism.
References
Hashemi, S. M, S. R. Schuler and A Riley. Role of targeted Credit Programs in Promoting Employment and Productivity of poor in Bangladesh; World Development, Vol
24: 4
Sumon, M. H. 2000. Examining the Images of Female Empowerment: A Case Study; Unpublished MSS dissertation, Jahangirnagar University, Dhaka Bangladesh
White, S. C. 1992. Arguing with the Crocodile, UPL Dhaka
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